To the Ukraine first. Ukrainians head back to the polls on September 30 for fresh parliamentary elections that aim to end months of political deadlock and confusion. Many Ukrainians hoped that the Orange Revolution of 2004 would lead to political reform and stability. But those high expectations have waned. In the ensuing three years the leaders of the Orange Revolution, who were advocating democracy and closer ties with the west have fallen out with each other. And Ukraine's parliament has witnessed punch ups, power cuts and party swapping not to mention allegations of bribes and corruption. So what do Ukrainians think about their lawmakers and the Orange Revolution three years on? Deutsche Welle’s Guy Degen has been gauging the mood.
December 2004. A sea of orange supporters in Kiev’s Independence Square. Opposition leaders Viktor Yushchenko and Julia Tymoshenko shoulder to shoulder united in a fight against the Prime Minister and presidential candidate Viktor Yanukovych. It was scenes like this that captured the imagination of the world - the western leaning Yushchenko, bearing the facial scars of poisoning, versus the Russian leaning Yanukovych and a rigged election. Three years later this triumph of people power and democracy for a post-Soviet country, as it was then hailed, has turned sour.
Any unity among Orange parties is long gone. Yushchenko sacked his Orange partner Julia Tymoshenko as Prime Minister shortly after taking office in 2005. The loss of Tymoshenko meant the opportunity to carry out reforms they campaigned for has largely disappeared. But Yushchenko’s biggest worry is still Viktor Yanukovych - the man he ousted from the presidency. Yushchenko was forced to accept Yanukovych as Prime Minister last year. Since then Ukraine has been in the grip of political infighting.
Yanukovych is Ukraine's comeback man. His election campaign ads show him as man who can get things done. But the paralysis of parliament and government infighting has left many voters less than optimistic about their politicians. In Kiev’s Independence Square, Ann a 21 student, remembers the Orange Revolution well, but now questions if the upcoming elections will make a real change in Ukraine's politics.
"I think it won't bring any real progress. I don't think it will be a backstep but it's hardly a move forward. Maybe it will make everything a little more stabile but not solve the problems."
Fesenko, a keen blogger who witnessed the Orange Revolution protests looks out over independence square sipping an espresso. Fesenko supported Yushchenko in 2004 but says he's now changed his mind.
"I voted for Yushchenko because I believed for him and many many people believed in him. But now I'm sure in the next election I will vote for Yanukovych and I think this election will not improve the situation in Ukraine."
Voters are not the only ones changing parties. Politicians are too. President Yushchenko has accused Yanukovych of bribing members to gain a majority in parliament.
Natalia Prokopovich is a member of Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine Party and a strong advocate against corruption in parliament. Addressing a group of international journalists, Prokopovich says she has been offered several million dollars in bribes but refrains from directly naming Yanukovych's Party of the Regions.
Outside of the capital though, particularly in the Russian speaking east, it's easy to get a sense that the Orange Revolution may as well of happened in another country. The coal mining and steel region around Donetsk is Ukraine's industrial heartland and home to Viktor Yanukovych and his financial backer Rynat Akhmetov - Ukraine's richest oligarch. Coal miners Anton and Andre tell of watching the Orange Revolution unfold on their TV screens in disbelief. They argue it was doomed from the beginning as it did not reflect their feelings of all Ukrainians. They agree that Yanukovych understands the workers - particularly miners like themselves.
"Yanukovych! Because he promises to increase wages for miners - everything depends on money. He alone promises something for miners," says Anton.
His work mate Andre doesn't think Yushchenko or Our Ukraine has been effective.
"There's nothing good. He doesn't answer any questions. He answers questions with another question," he says.
But if there's one region that is firmly behind the Our Ukraine party and President Yushchenko it's Western Ukraine. In the city of Uzhorod, Sventlana Mytryayeva heads a government funded think tank and regularly advises Yushchenko on foreign policy. She senses that the trust of voters in Ukraine's politicians is very low and the political status quo is likely to remain.
"There will again be the same parties - Our Ukraine, Party of the Regions and Tymoshenko bloc. I don't think there will be any changes after the elections. The only question is what coalition will emerge."
Even if elections on September 30 do untangle the knot of Ukraine's political crisis and a working government is formed, the question of voter apathy with lawmakers is likely to remain. Three years after the people power of the Orange Revolution, Ukraine is still viewed as a country in transition from its Soviet past, but the people may well have to put up with corrupt and discredited politicians for the foreseeable future.
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